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It could be said that old television does not vanish but instead survives in the media ecosystem, adapting to the new conditions and combined with the new configurations. Towards hypertelevision From paleotelevision to neotelevision Television was one of the most impressive media experiences of the twentieth century. Born with a strong commercial spirit in the United States, in Europe television has been characterized by a public service philosophy since its origins.

Between the s and the s, television underwent a radical transformation. This non-miraculous multiplication of channels influenced the television economy the segmentation of audiences and advertising , television consumption now fragmented following the pace of channel surfing , and television research.

In Table 1, we present the main characteristics of paleotelevision and neotelevision as they have been interpreted by different researchers. One channel. Multiplication of channels public and private and technologies cable, satel- lite, VTR, etc. Genre differentiation: Diffusion of a mosaic culture. Three basic genres: Syncretism and contamination of genres. Fixed cameras in studio. Camera mobility. There is no outdoor registration or Registration from public spaces and invasion of private spaces.

The TV set is a totem in the home liv- TV sets everywhere in home kitchen, ing room. Television represents reality. Television constructs reality. Audiences are big collectivities.

Audiences are collection of individu- als. Scolari- The Grammer of Hyper Television … The paleo-neotelevision opposition was particularly successful in the s.

The opposition was also considered useful by researchers that investigate inside different paradigms, such as critical theory Malmberg, or cybercultures Piscitelli, Television and media ecology The media ecosystem may be considered a socio-technical network, a hypertextual structure made up of producers, consumers, texts, media, and interfaces that maintain reciprocal relationships.

At certain times, a group of nodes of this network activates and creates new relationships and configurations. The arrival of a new medium—or, in other words, the creation of new nodes—changes the structure of the whole network and produces new hybrid species that integrate the new and the old.

For example, the spread of mobile devices is activating the production of new audiovisual contents with particular aesthetics—like mobisodes a TV program or commercial created for the cell phone market —and offering a new diffusion channel for online videos and traditional music clips. From this perspective, we could analyze how the arrival of cinema changed theater or the collateral effects of television diffusion in the s on cinema and radio.

A linear model of media evolution i. However, this is not correct. In other words, in present-day television we find that archaic paleo and modern neo traits coexist. Furthermore, the configuration of the media system is not the same in all societies.

For example, the existence of military regimes in Latin America at the beginning of the s—characterized by centralized and authoritarian public television structures—delayed the development of neotelevision traits in this region of the globe until the end of the decade.

However, television transformations in the s may not only be reduced to an augmentation of neotelevision properties. The combination with other media species such as Web pages or videogames, the process of industrial convergence, and the appearance of new formats and audiences have re- designed the television system.

I consider that these transformations are so deep that the classic opposition between paleotelevision and neotelevision has been surpassed by the media ecosystem evolution.

In the last fifteen years many scholars have reflected on the limits of the concept of neotelevision. In European and Latin American research circuits, authors such as Piscitelli , Ramonet , Riera , and Missika have opted for the concept of postelevision. Other researchers have criticized this term. In addition to this, to talk about postelevision means to support the idea of the death of the medium, something that I do not necessarily agree with.

In a completely operative and provisional way, I propose the concept of hypertelevision to define the current television system situation. Hypertelevision should not just be considered a new phase of the paleo-neo series but a particular configuration of the media system. Before exploring the world of hypertelevision I will reflect on the prefix hyper- and the hypertextual experience.

What are the properties of hypertext? For theoreticians of hypertextuality e. In this context the reader—now practically transformed into a user—assumes a more inter active role during the reading process. For George Landow: The figure of the hypertext author approaches, even if it does not merge with, that of the reader […] Hypertext, which creates an active, even intrusive reader, carries this convergence of activities one step closer to completion; but in doing so, it infringes on the power of the writer, removing some of the it and granting it to the reader Landow, , p.

This hypertextual experience is currently present in many everyday situations, from Web navigation to interactive fiction reading, from videogaming to collaborative writing experiences in blogs or wikis. Therefore, the prefix hyper references not only a large number of texts but also the reticular structure that allows active readers to jump from one textual unit to another, to interpret simultaneously a jungle of open windows and applications and to deal with stressing situations inside virtual worlds.

Every one of these pertinent traits deserves a longer analysis but in the context of this article I will just introduce and briefly explain them. These characteristics of the grammar of hypertelevision will be complemented with the descriptions of other transformations in the television system—for example, the diffusion of a many-to-many distribution philosophy or the explosion of new screens.

Multiscreen screen fragmentation In broadcast television screen fragmentation was first applied in news transmissions to modularize information and show different interlocutors—the anchorman in the studio and the remote correspondent—at the same time.

News programs also include modules to present last-minute information, financial data, weather information, or sports reports in the lower part of the screen. Screen fragmentation and the expansion of information visualization devices run parallel to the massive diffusion of graphic user interfaces in the s and s. Presenting news in easy- to-read modules may also be found in online and printed journals Cooke, As we can see, the hybridization of interfaces in the media ecology was extremely elevated in the last decade and simultaneously affected different media press, television, Web, etc.

Acceleration of rhythm Speeding up the rhythm is not new in television—it has been present for many years in news or sports—but the introduction of high-speed narratives in Scolari- The Grammer of Hyper Television … The frenetic succession of images, camera movements, and stories has converted fictions like 24, ER NBC, , or Desperate Housewives ABC, into something like an hour-long music video clip.

The actors performed the show again three hours later so that the West Coast airing would be live as well. Series like 24 exploited this real-time transmission sense-effect and extended it to the entire season.

Endless intertextuality Intertextuality is a basic feature of any kind of textuality; however, citations, excerpts, tributes, and quotations are other traits of postmodern textual aesthetics that are also exploited on hypertelevision screens carrying on prior uses of these self-referential devices from s broadcast pioneers such as George Burns and Ernie Kovaks.

For example, contemporary fictions like The X Files introduced a dense network of textual references to science fiction, thriller, and horror narrative universes, which is now a characteristic of many other productions.

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Hypertelevision productively consumes other mass media and itself, amplifying a trend that was already present in neotelevision. This trend—that could be defined as audiovisual cannibalism—is also present in reality shows such as Big Brother CBS, In this case, the contents of this show are consumed and exploited at any hour in every program.

This cannibalization of contents, that lets the viewer follow the stories inside the house while watching a news program or a talk show, could be complemented with another trend: Hypertelevision productions, as we have already indicated, are constantly constructing an implied viewer that needs to apply a new set of competences and experiences to interpret them.

Multiplication of characters In hypertelevision fiction, the characters multiply and integrate themselves in a very complex choral structure. Sometimes it is really difficult to identify the protagonist of these contemporary fictions because most of the characters have about the same status in the narrative.

Television series have actively increased the number of characters in the last decade. Traditional series developed a model founded on a basic set of characters between four and six with one of them as the main focus Lucy in I Love Lucy, Cliff Huxtable in The Cosby Show, among countless others.

Johnson, , pp. Multiplication of narrative programs Hypertelevision expands the number of characters and therefore multiplies the narrative programs. These characters have desires and they do something in the plot: In hypertelevision, these narrative programs constitute a complex network of stories far beyond the simple structure of traditional series in the s and s.

In short: After this brief description of the increasing number of characters and the multiplication of narrative programs, many pertinent traits of hypertelevision may now be re-signified: It could be said that one screen is not enough to represent the simultaneous development of different narrative programs.

The same may be said about the accelerated rhythm and fragmentation: Many-to-many television The contamination between television and the Web is producing new phenomena like collaborative television or television 2. New screens The consolidation of the third screen PC after cinema first screen and television second screen and the rapid diffusion of the forth screen mobile devices represents a challenge for television aesthetics Dawson, If the diffusion of television in the s changed the aesthetics of cinema, the spread of mobile phones and other ubiquitous devices are now introducing new transformations in audiovisual grammar.

If cinema stories are designed for a sedentary viewer inside a big dark cave, and television productions are mostly made for a home viewer, mobile television must construct a different implied viewer: Asynchronic consumption The revolution of video tape recorder VTR in the s has gone deeper with digital devices: This everyday practice challenges traditional television in two ways.

Consumers may opt to download episodes without advertising or skip through content on demand where possible. Unlike the DVR the on demand model is managed intensively by content owners and networks.

The bottom line is that as these new technologies move from the early adopter stage to the mass audience, we expect continued Scolari- The Grammer of Hyper Television … In the near future the community of viewers in front of the television set, watching the same program at the same time, may be substituted by thousands of different consumption practices.

How will hegemony be constructed in a fragmented environment where viewers live different and personal screen experiences throughout the day Missika, ?

As we can see, over the past few years television has introduced different mutations into its communicational apparatus. Many transformations—like changes in rhythm or narrative structure—have affected television textuality.

However, it would be risky to say that television is developing a new language; the grammar of hypertelevision is simply recuperating and integrating traditional rhetorical devices, originally developed by cinema avant-gardes, such as flashback, flashforward, screen fragmentation, and other techniques into a new framework.

In a few words: Other transformations that have influenced television distribution or reception processes—for example, the introduction of a many-to-many logic or the diffusion of new asynchronic consumption practices —come directly from the digitalization of the media ecosystem.

The properties of hypertelevision could also be found in many contemporary hyper cinema productions Bordwell, ; Buckland, ; Gosciola, Hypertelevision and the Simulation of Interaction Why has television introduced all these innovations into its rhetorical device? If every text constructs its reader Eco, and every interface constructs its users Scolari , , it would be useful to ask what viewer is constructing contemporary television.

The implied viewer of hypertelevision is not the same as the viewer of paleotelevision or neotelevision. Roughly, paleotelevision talked to a post-war viewer formed in radio, cinema, and press consumption experience.

Neotelevision talked to new generations that had grown up watching television, with high interpretative competencies in audiovisual language. Hypertelevision is talking to viewers with an elevated expertise in fragmented textualities and advanced skills in navigating interactive environments. In this context, contemporary television must evolve its aesthetics and contents to satisfy the desires of a new generation of viewers formed in hypertextual experience.

Why adapt? Because television must talk to a new generation of digital natives: The television for audiences formed in cinema, radio, or press experiences cannot be the same as the television for expert videogame players, software users, or Web navigators.

By presenting and representing the illusion of interactive capability, framed within the safety of the fully domesticated TV screen, windows TV is aggressively marketing the idea and desire for interactive TV through the illusion of an interface.

Vered, , p. For over fifty years television has been the perfect paradigm of the one-to-many and non- interactive media. Now broadcast television has a competitor in interactive environments. This is significant because a single communication style is no longer predicated on a specific medium.

That is, the pictorial mode of communication that has been associated with television news appears Scolari- The Grammer of Hyper Television … Similarly, the ticker-tape delivery style that was made popular by news Websites is now a standard feature of many cable news programs. Cooke, , p. How can television simulate interactive media?

A theoretical approach to television should refuse the linear conceptions that would consider hypertelevision as just a new phase of media evolution paleo — neo — hyper. How can we represent these mutations from a non- lineal perspective? In conclusion, we propose a conceptual map that integrates different television characteristics in the context of a media ecology approach.

At this moment in the evolution of the media ecosystem, one area of the network is particularly active and the contaminations are very high in this sector of the map. The keywords of this sector are fragmentation, multiplication of characters, augmentation of narrative programs, and simulation of interactivity Figure 1.

Further research should analyze many other characteristics and experiences—for example, the everpresent question of television genres. If neotelevision programmers in the s contaminated genres and proposed syncretic formats, what is happening to genres in hypertelevision? Are we witnessing the birth of new hybrid genres? The reciprocal influences between television, Web interfaces, mobile aesthetics, and old media should be kept at the center of media research.

Another basic question for many-to-many environments is, who decides on the genres? The user creates non-professional categories and possible consumption paths that may challenge the genres and substitute them with a cloud of concepts. It is possible that we are leaving behind the traditional genre conflicts and entering the age of tagging and folksonomy Vander Wal, , a place where genres are defined by viewers and not by programmers.

As we can see, the study of hypertelevision introduces many challenges into social and media research.

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The most relevant traits of hypertelevision grammar tell us that we are dealing with a new configuration of the television discourse—not necessarily based on new rhetorical forms--and the consequent new consumption practices. In this context the narratological and semiotic approach to the phenomena introduced in this article must be complemented with sociological and anthropological research into consumption situations.

Like in any other medium, the future evolution of hypertelevision will depend on the dynamics established by the main actors of the media ecosystem: References Abril, G. Abruzzese, A. Elogio del tempo nuovo. Genova, Italy: Allrrath, G.

Towards a narratology of TV series. Gymnich Ed. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Berman, S. The end of television as we know it. A future industry perspective. Bettetini, G. Dal cinema ai new media. Bolter, J. Writing space: The computer, hypertext, and the history of writing.

Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum Associates. Understanding new media. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press. Bordwell, D. The way Hollywood tells it: Story and style in modern movies.

Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Brooker, W. Teen viewers, cultural convergence, and television overflow. International Journal of Cultural Studies, 4 4 , Bruno, M. Dalle comunicazioni di massa alla massa di comunicazioni. Messina, Italy: Buckland, D.

Puzzle films: Complex storytelling in contemporary cinema. Sobre lo televisivo. Dispositivos, discursos y sujetos. Buenos Aires, Argentina: El fin de los medios masivos. El comienzo de un debate. Casetti, F. Tra te e me. Strategie di coinvolgimento dello spettatore nei programmi della neotelevisione.

Turin, Italy: RAI-Nuova Eri. In terestingly, it is the strange ness of the country that Hooper notes func- tions as a chief draw. Often tourists experience "an incredulity at how a country so geographicall y proximate to other European cultures and civilizing influences could remain so alien" ibid.

Yet, in earlier times at least, the country was Bralld Irelalld 27 frequently perceived as a frightening nation of unruly barbarians li ving bleak, brieflives on desolate bog land. What is it then that has led to Ireland's popularity as a tourist destination?

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Looking beyond the annual worldwide and public espousal of all things Irish on St Patrick's Day, the creation of which is in no small measure down to c lever promotion on the part of the Irish government, it is clear that a main SOUIce of competitive advantage that draws tourists to Ireland is its outstanding cultural imagination Smyth I.

Ireland's well-honed trait of inventiveness is perhaps the result of over a century of practice, acquired at the culture-promoting feise- anna and Oireachms festivals that have been organized since the s Koch Or perhaps it is simply ti,e enactment of the Celtic stereotype, discussed at length elsewhere Aherne ; O'Loughli n and Szmigin ; Patterson and Brown Whatever the reason, the Irish indisputably excel at generating tourist-friendly goods whose principal ingredients are creativity, quick-wittedness and imagination.

In music, passing sw iftl y over Bono, Daniel O'Donnell and Ireland's seven winning Eurovision entries, Westlife's cloying brand of identikit pop is probably not particularly representative of the nation's ideals, but it is a good example, if not of musical talent, then certa inly of skilful marketing Ferriter In dance, the thunderous step dance that marks the cl imax of Riverdallce might, by now, be a cliche too far, but the show remains on pennanent world tour.

Solid exemplars oflreland's tourism assets, though, exist in the literary market, where writers such as Roddy Doyle, John Banvi lle. Seamus Deane, Seamus Heaney, William Trevor, Ed na Longley and Edna O'Brien have achieved widespread critical acclaim by writing stories about Ireland's intemperate society that, Holt might argue, resol ve cultural contradictions embedded in Irish nationality. It is even alleged that the Irish write better English tban tile English Lesinska Unsurprisingly, Irish creatives of a different genus are frequently the star draw on the interna- tional comedy circuit.

In film, too, Ireland has a proud tradition wi th which tourists the world over are familiar. It seems to subscribe to what is named here as the 4Ps of Celtic tour- ism marketing - poets, priests, pubs and poverty. This tradition began with tbe controversial documentary of island life Mall oj Arall , which, while a remarkable anthropological movie, was fiercely criticized for pretending that the Man islanders still engaged in the then long-dead tradition of capturing basking sharks Ellis Later the romantic comedy The Quiet Mall I heightened the fictionalizat ion oflreland by portraying Irish life in a fashion which, depend- ing on an indi vidual's perspective, can either be castigated as excessively senti- mental see McLoone or celebrated as a exemplar of marketing abundance, excess and overload that all Irish products should emulate see Brown and 28 A.

PattersOIl Patterson Th e Quiet Mall, according to Gibbons el al. Today, similar sweeping scenes of rural Ireland are the stock in trade of the Irish tourist board, Bard Failte. The story of Irish national identity understood as a tourist asset, on the one band, is comprised of the manifold and protean journalistic, fictional and literary representations that depict the Irish as ethnicall y distinct.

On tbe other, it is equally true that fixed stereotypes and stock imagery are associated witb Ireland. As consumers we immediately understand that tartan, bagpipes and sbortbread belong to Scotland and, in a similar vein, that shamrocks, craie and leprechauns are integral to Ireland.

Nonetileless, it is impossible to fix upon what Ireland means to everyone, since its meaning is different for each person. Any material distinctiveness, signification or meaning depends entirely upon how it is per- ceived by individual consumers. As Batey : xiii eloquently acknowledges, "Meaning can be elusive: It fl ows and drifts and is often hard to pin down.

No mattcr - the search for meaning in all its forms is hardwired into our psyches. The milienIlia may have passed, but we are still hunters and gatherers - of meaning. Ireland wi ll always rema in wbat O'Toole 53 calls "a bizarre accumulation of heterodox imaginings".

The birth of contemporary Irish tourism To appreciate full y tbe social constmetion ofIrish popular history tbat has created the contemporary tourist influx, it should be understood that it was born out of Ireland's struggle to escape from , and be nationally unl ike, its all-pervasive neighbour England. The English in Elizabethan ti mes feared cultural pollution fTom the "inferior" cultures that surrounded them, and they expected the Celtic nations - particularly Ireland - to assimilate to their "superior" culture Catey Even the great Charles Darwin argued in the nineteenth century that the Irisb posed a seri ous threat to England, saying that "The careless, squalid, unaspiring Irishman multiplies like rabbits", and would, unless something was done, eventually outnumber and overrun the English paul To justify a policy of assimilation, England 's philosophical position was, according to Steingart , that the absorption of the entire world under English mle would bring the end of all wars, and, since the Irish were regarded as savages, drunkards and troublemakers, their fate was of no concern.

Destroying their culture was for the greater good. One practice, for instance, used by the British against the Irish in order further to justify their racist policies involved the use of craniometry. Irish skulls, like those ofblackAthcans, were said to be sbaped like tllOse of apes or Cra-Magnon men Carroll With such policies in evidence, unsurpris- ingly a colony was establ ished to civil ize the "lazy" natives and gamer resources Brand Ireland 29 fo r the Crown.

Colonial administrators such as the poet Edmund Spenser we re ceaseless in propagaling the notion of Irish inferiority and savagery, as well as introducing insti tutions of civilization to Ireland.

The favoured instruments of control used by the British aga inst the uish we re warfare, slaugh ter, terror and the confiscation of land Catey The Great Famine marks another milestone in the development of Brand u eland and the emergence of the postcolonial sensibility that helped forge Ireland's fierce national ism.

Many thousands oflri sh peasants fled the country as a consequence of the poverty which was - rightly or wrongly - perceived to have been caused by both British oppression a nd the ravages of the devastating potato blight that struck Ireland between and Over the course of the disaster and the following decades, well over a million people left.

Starving, sickly and wretched, they travelled by whatever means they could to the cities of Britai n, Canada, Austral ia and the United States, crealing a mass migration. Neither trans- portation nor cities could cope with the tide of human misery.

Liverpool - the first step for many on the joumey to America - presented scenes of turmoil and trag- edy. Lodging house owners, ships' captai ns, American employers ' agents, loan sharks and charlatans all touted for trade among the dispossessed, who were des- perate to escape fTom famine Kissane The peculiar and powerful reverence in which Ireland is held can be attri buted partly to the wistfu l and nostalgic yeamings of its many immigrant descendants scattered across the United States, Britain, Australia and other corners of the world.

Their conception of Ireland is almost entirely unencumbered by actual experience, but instead fi nds potent expression in the realm of the imagination.

As a onetime Irish immigrant explains, "What I could not discover I invented. O'Toole sees this imagined Ireland as a creation not only of immigrant nostalgia but also of the emptiness felt by tllOse who were left behind. Thus a shared victimhood was cultivated that was jointly sanctioned by the 70 million abroad who claim uish ancestry and the Iri sh still li ving in [reland.

Nor, until qu ite recently, did centuries of British rule which culminated in the separation of the island in into two poli tical entities: the Republic oflreland the Irish Free State from to and the Province of Northern Ireland do anything to ease tensions. One response to continued British rule and the anti-Irish racism that accompanied it saw the Irish intelligentsia, at the end of the nine- teenth century, initiate the Irish Literary Revival.

The purpose of this rev ival, spearheaded by Yeats - which took place in a world that was, coincidentall y, just beginning to understand how brands could provide a powerful means of di ffe rentiation - was to encourage wri ters and poets to indulge in boundless mythomaniac invention Monagan It was hoped that this nostalgic vision, 30 A.

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Pattersoll which looked back towards the "memory" of an ancient "Celtic race" Kearney , woul d begin bOUI to de-Anglicize Ireland and to reposition the country, according to Terence Brown 57 , as "a zone of Celtic spirituali ty, a terri- tory of the imagination, scenic in the Romantic fashion: rural, primitive, wild and exotic".

By actively opposing the stereotypes and prejudices prevalent in Ireland, tbe reviva lists created an alternati ve space for the representation of a new Irish identity witllin which the "marginal and the oppressed can find expression" McLoo ne TIley challenged restrictive definitions of Irish culture through a radical revision of prevalent modes of representation, such as Joyce's playful subversion of the English language in Fillll egall S Wake and Wilde's knack of challenging convention in literature an d in life.

Against the backdrop of the Irish Literary Revival, Eamonn de Valera played a key role in the creation of Ire land's national narrati ve and, indeed, was huge ly influential in shaping the entire course of twentieth-century Irish history. A fi erce patri ot, he was one of the leaders of the unsuccessful Easter Rising of , and in the wake of tlle martyrdom of his unfortunate fellow revolutionaries he chose to commemorate the event with a stanlCof Cil Chulainn, a mythic guerrilla fighter of fierce bravery.

It came to symboli ze both the emerging nationalist conscious- ness and the republican struggle Cullen - a struggle that de Valera took too far when, to show his scorn for the Bri tish at the end of World War II, upon hearing of Adolf Hitler's death, be rashly decided to pay hi s respects at th e German embassy in Dublin Skell y In he formed Fiarma H il, which rose to power in on a protectionist tic ket of inward industrial development.

His nationalistic aim was to retain Irish production in Iri sh hands, provide employment, and diminish the constant emigration that was emptying the coun- try.

Even though such a strategy proved to be oflimited eco nomic worth, it served an important social purpose - the creation of a powerful national self-image that could help lift the darkness created by generations of coloni zati on Campbell From a postcolonial perspecti ve, de Valera's penchant for insular policies exemp lifies Edward Said 's 1 term "affiliation" - tlle radical creation of one's ovm world and contexts and version of tradition.

The limits of protection- ism became widely accepted during the , when a new outward-looki ng strategy was created which in the main provided capital grants and tax conces- sions to boost export-oriented manufacturing. This focus on a culture of resistance, which Irish wri ters and politicians knew to be absent from traditional history books, revised the history of Ireland, stimu- lated cultural pride, functioned as a means of community building, and ultimately began the long process that created contemporary Ireland.

It was a fu rtller lucky twist of fate that the tl,fUSt of the Bralld Ireland 31 Celtic revival so perfectly tallied with tbe cornerstones of today's consumer appeal, particularly in the drinks market, where heri tage, authenticity and tradition are highly prized da Silva Lopes Ireland's national appeal, then, is not a homogeneous entity.

Instead, it is frachlred, fluid and multidimensional. For the purposes of explication, tbough, three loose categories of its national narrative, which appeal to tourists on different levels, can be discerned - Generic-ireland, Regional-Ireland and Ireland-Plus.

These, it must be stressed, are not ti ghtly delineated. Tbe category boundaries outlined may change, or new ones may spring into being, as it continues to evolve. Generic-Irelalld This construction of the irish national nalTati ve is essenti ally a set of stereo- types that view Ireland as a homogeneous entity. Here leprechauns and sham- rocks are wri t large, and touris ts are perpetually sold the good time craie of the Emerald Isle.

Some deem this the tackier side of Irish to urism, the one that is often condemned as superfi cial and patroni zing B ielenberg ; Courtn ey and that Crowley and Maclaughlin dub "Ireland Inc", wherein "ireland itself has become a vast hotel and ethnic theme park - Eiredisney". Typical tourist offerings in thi s category of irishness can be fou nd in every airport souvenir shop in the country: the tea towels, the T-shirts, the Qven- gloves - all the Paddywacked made-in-China memorabilia that Irish natives would rarely download themselves.

Another prominent tourist asset in tbis category is offered for sale by the ubiq- uitous Irish theme pub chains which collecti vely tend to celebrate a form of kitsch "Oirislmess". Although their heyday has well and tndy passed, they are still in abundant supply. In the UK, O'Neill's, first developed by Bass but now owned by Mitchells and Butlers, is the single largest chain in the world, with eighty-two outlets as of Punch Taverns lags some way behind, with its thirty-nine Scruffy Murphy's.

When they fi rst entered the marketplace their prospects were not promising. Consider the story of Flanagan 's Apple on Mathew Street in Liverpool, which fi rst opened its doors in It was not the firs t irish pub in England by any means, but it was one of the fi rst irish theme pubs.

The pervading senti ment at the time suggested that it could never be the apple of England 's eye. The British authorities, in particular, were extremely reluctant to grant the venue a pub licence. N ightly knee-capping, punislunent beatings, exploding incendiary devkes, and the every- day death of soldiers from Liverpool and Leeds on tile streets of North em ireland had dubbed the era "The Troubles" and damaged the yet to flourish image of 32 A. Patterson Brand [reland.

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To make matters worse, the bloodshed was beginning to seep across to the British mainland where, ironically, pubs, among other venues, were prime targets for IRA bombers. Consequentl y, Irishmen living in England were viewed through a veil of racial mysticism.

Every Paddy or Mick had an evil glint in his eye and a heart as black as the pint of Guinness in his hand. Opening an Irish themed pub slich as Flanagan 's Apple, it was thought, might inflame sectarianism by actin g as a rallying point and recrui ting station for hard-line republican sympa- thi zers, particularly in light of their historical involvement in the organization of "nationalist secret societies" ReiUy The landlord 's masterstroke was convincing the Liverpudlian police and local community that the pub could be successful, even though it was a potent symbol both of centuries of struggle between Ireland and England and of fervent Irish nationalism Elson Needless to say, his charm offensive worked.

Today, Flanagan's, and other Irish pubs like it, is still a success not just because of its sandblasted bars or the dancing leprechauns in the stained-glass windows, but because claiming an association with Irish traits can complement a con sum- er 's identity.

As Delaney asserts, "It's about pretend ing that you're James Joyce or Shane MacGowan and that yo u're getting pissed to reconcile your in tense masculinity with your deeply romantic soul.

Rather than the fact that you' re a weak, pathetic booze-hound who despises every detail of your hellish, pub-bound ex isten ce. It allows white emigrants, not necessarily o. But I also feel that I'm a tiny part of a much larger story, perhaps a mere noun; but carrying with me all that hurt and passion, all that sacrifice that did not make a stone of the heart.

I roam with Leopold B loom. J brandish the summit on a blasted hill and wave my defian ce. I am dancing, wi ld and naked, under a crimson moon.

It benefits from being ab le to draw on Ireland as a general construct and a specific place name that is attractive to both tourists and natives.

Regional-Ireland tourist appeal therefo re moves from the general to the specific. It profits first from the broad-sweeping characteristics associated with Ireland, invoking some of the associations that have already been discussed in this chapter and perhaps some others that have not yet been mentioned, such as the breathtaking landscapes, the Brand Ireland 33 glacier-carved valleys, the bleak and beautiful mountainous terraio and the unspoiled, green countrys ide.

Ironically, ulis sparsely populated countryside now so celebrated by Bord Fai lte is the direct and still visual consequence of the fam - ine caused so unnecessarily by Ireland 's colonial masters Foley and Fahey Regional Irish products gamer further brand distinction by focusing on the specific - the particular local characteristics that make each product special.

In the same way that the quirkiness ofa person's accent can be endearing and inter- esting, that same regional variation can accentuate a product. Consider Tayto potato crisps, a popular Irish export favoured by tourists and migrants: it relies as much on thc local story told on every pack as it does on the country of origin kudos it receives from ]reland's national narrative to bring its brand to life: "Set deep in the heart ofthe Ulster countryside is Tayto Castle where Tayto have been making The product is so sought after outside Ireland that it has a website entirely dedicated to cater for the international market.

A key aspect of regiona lism concerns thc diffe rent ways in which Irish tourism is rendered on either side of the border.Now broadcast television has a competitor in interactive environments. Manifesto for the digital music revolution.

Technology and cultural form. In film, too, Ireland has a proud tradition wi th which tourists the world over are familiar. The bottom line is that as these new technologies move from the early adopter stage to the mass audience, we expect continued Scolari- The Grammer of Hyper Television … The chapter will conclude by asking whether the success of Ireland as a tourist destination is sustainable over the longer term, especiall y at a time when its credibility in the marketplace is increasingly under scrutin y Bielenberg ; Courtney Log In Sign Up.

Kompare, D. Encyclopedia of Race and Racism Vol.

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